Ulster Exclusion and Irish Nationalism: Consenting to the Principle of Partition, 1912-1916
In April 1912, Prime Minister Herbert Henry Asquith introduced the third Home Rule (Government of Ireland) Bill to Westminster. In so doing, he ignited a crisis in both Ireland and Britain which consumed political discourse right up to the eve of the First World War and beyond. By September of 1912,...
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Centre de Recherche et d'Etudes en Civilisation Britannique
2019-06-01
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| Series: | Revue Française de Civilisation Britannique |
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| Online Access: | https://journals.openedition.org/rfcb/3773 |
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| author | Conor Mulvagh |
| author_facet | Conor Mulvagh |
| author_sort | Conor Mulvagh |
| collection | DOAJ |
| description | In April 1912, Prime Minister Herbert Henry Asquith introduced the third Home Rule (Government of Ireland) Bill to Westminster. In so doing, he ignited a crisis in both Ireland and Britain which consumed political discourse right up to the eve of the First World War and beyond. By September of 1912, the Ulster question took centre stage as the dominant issue holding back the constitutionally predetermined progress of the Government of Ireland Bill.This article considers two important developments pertaining to Ulster within the broader Home Rule crisis. The first is the definition and rationalisation of a two-state solution to the so-called ‘Irish question’ which in 1914 resulted for the first time in the drafting of proposals for an Irish border, initially as a strictly temporary measure. The second theme here is to examine how, from November 1913 onwards, Nationalist politicians gradually and grudgingly came to accept, on a strictly temporary basis, the exclusion of a portion of the province of Ulster from the jurisdiction of a Home Rule parliament. This culminated in the summer of 1916 with a convention of nationalist delegates from the six Ulster counties earmarked for exclusion. At this conference, the leading Nationalist MP in Ulster, Joseph Devlin, prevailed upon his followers to vote themselves temporarily out of a Home Rule Ireland so as to ensure the immediate enactment of Home Rule for the rest of the island. Although the deal upon which this pact was predicated failed, it marked the moment where Ulster nationalists consented to the principle of partition. The partition of Ireland became a reality in 1921 and has remained the bedrock of the two-state solution to the Irish question ever since. |
| format | Article |
| id | doaj-art-52c9ab2bef054a3db60156831a31cb30 |
| institution | OA Journals |
| issn | 0248-9015 2429-4373 |
| language | English |
| publishDate | 2019-06-01 |
| publisher | Centre de Recherche et d'Etudes en Civilisation Britannique |
| record_format | Article |
| series | Revue Française de Civilisation Britannique |
| spelling | doaj-art-52c9ab2bef054a3db60156831a31cb302025-08-20T02:34:12ZengCentre de Recherche et d'Etudes en Civilisation BritanniqueRevue Française de Civilisation Britannique0248-90152429-43732019-06-0124210.4000/rfcb.3773Ulster Exclusion and Irish Nationalism: Consenting to the Principle of Partition, 1912-1916Conor MulvaghIn April 1912, Prime Minister Herbert Henry Asquith introduced the third Home Rule (Government of Ireland) Bill to Westminster. In so doing, he ignited a crisis in both Ireland and Britain which consumed political discourse right up to the eve of the First World War and beyond. By September of 1912, the Ulster question took centre stage as the dominant issue holding back the constitutionally predetermined progress of the Government of Ireland Bill.This article considers two important developments pertaining to Ulster within the broader Home Rule crisis. The first is the definition and rationalisation of a two-state solution to the so-called ‘Irish question’ which in 1914 resulted for the first time in the drafting of proposals for an Irish border, initially as a strictly temporary measure. The second theme here is to examine how, from November 1913 onwards, Nationalist politicians gradually and grudgingly came to accept, on a strictly temporary basis, the exclusion of a portion of the province of Ulster from the jurisdiction of a Home Rule parliament. This culminated in the summer of 1916 with a convention of nationalist delegates from the six Ulster counties earmarked for exclusion. At this conference, the leading Nationalist MP in Ulster, Joseph Devlin, prevailed upon his followers to vote themselves temporarily out of a Home Rule Ireland so as to ensure the immediate enactment of Home Rule for the rest of the island. Although the deal upon which this pact was predicated failed, it marked the moment where Ulster nationalists consented to the principle of partition. The partition of Ireland became a reality in 1921 and has remained the bedrock of the two-state solution to the Irish question ever since.https://journals.openedition.org/rfcb/3773unionismnationalismpartitionHome RuleUlsterLloyd George |
| spellingShingle | Conor Mulvagh Ulster Exclusion and Irish Nationalism: Consenting to the Principle of Partition, 1912-1916 Revue Française de Civilisation Britannique unionism nationalism partition Home Rule Ulster Lloyd George |
| title | Ulster Exclusion and Irish Nationalism: Consenting to the Principle of Partition, 1912-1916 |
| title_full | Ulster Exclusion and Irish Nationalism: Consenting to the Principle of Partition, 1912-1916 |
| title_fullStr | Ulster Exclusion and Irish Nationalism: Consenting to the Principle of Partition, 1912-1916 |
| title_full_unstemmed | Ulster Exclusion and Irish Nationalism: Consenting to the Principle of Partition, 1912-1916 |
| title_short | Ulster Exclusion and Irish Nationalism: Consenting to the Principle of Partition, 1912-1916 |
| title_sort | ulster exclusion and irish nationalism consenting to the principle of partition 1912 1916 |
| topic | unionism nationalism partition Home Rule Ulster Lloyd George |
| url | https://journals.openedition.org/rfcb/3773 |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT conormulvagh ulsterexclusionandirishnationalismconsentingtotheprincipleofpartition19121916 |